50th Anniversary: ​​Our Party is Our Guidance, Inspiration and Power!

50th Anniversary: ​​Our Party is Our Guidance, Inspiration and Power!

April 24, 1972 went down in history as the institutionalization step of the torch that was kept in the dark by a handful of communists led by İbrahim Kaypakkaya. The tradition of war and resistance of the period was knitted together with Mahir and Deniz. The momentum gained in the anti-imperialist struggle created a revolutionary militant struggle. Comrade Ibrahim joined the war front as the representative of the proletariat. He clarified the main issues of the Turkish revolution with the analytical power of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology and addressed chauvinism, Kemalism; It formed the basis of the Proletariat Party by inflicting heavy blows on all forms of reformism, revisionism and opportunism nesting within the “left”. This date also heralded the resumption of the communist struggle in Turkey after Comrade Mustafa Suphi.

Today, the meaning of April 24 maintains its freshness despite the passing of 50 years. Half a century! long for a person; A short time in the history of societies and class struggles… April 24 is our source of inspiration and strength, both as our perspective and as a spirit of struggle and breakthrough, in overcoming all the problems we face in our struggle for communism on all fronts. April 24 is the result of anti-imperialist youth actions, land occupations, peasant resistance, and June 15-16 great workers' resistance. Periodically, it is the product of the people's wars, the Vietnam resistance, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist theses put forward by Kaypakkaya for the Turkish revolution; It has developed in the student protests itself, in the workers' resistance and strikes, especially in the Great Workers' Resistance of 15-16 June 1970, in the struggle of the peasants, that is, in the revolutionary practice of the masses themselves, as in the land struggle of the Değirmendere villagers, and the lessons learned from these resistances have matured by blending with MLM science.

It is because it is so; Although half a century has passed, the theses put forward by İbrahim Kaypakkaya for the Turkish revolution are still up to date. Kaypakkaya's to be practically revolutionary first The fact that he was firmly committed to the principle of the communist movement in our country once again brought the communist movement to its feet, and the theses he put forward continued to guide the revolutionary and communist movement. Therefore, to talk about the founding and basic ideological structure of our Party is also to talk about İbrahim Kaypakkaya.

Being revolutionary in practice, forming theory in practical revolutionary activity, MLM is a principle and a guarantee of being scientific. Since the ground on which the Communist Party stands is the class struggles of our country, the theses derived from the mass movements, these theses will continue to be up-to-date and scientific as long as the class struggle and mass movements continue.

The Leader Who Throws Out the Stale and Gets Fresh: Kaypakkaya!

The Proletariat Party was founded in 1972 by İbrahim Kaypakkaya. Kaypakkaya previously carried out revolutionary activities in various student associations and wrote articles for various revolutionary journals during his student years. He first became a member of the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP) of that period, from the moment he realized that it was necessary to participate in practice and be organized in order to make a revolution. After a while, when he realized that TİP was not a revolutionary party and was content with the parliamentary struggle, he resigned and joined the struggle in the Revolutionary Workers and Peasants Party of Turkey (TIIKP), which was conducting an illegal struggle at that time. Its activity in both TIP and TIIKP is at the same time an incessant study, research and literacy activity. In addition, his involvement in hot practices such as student and youth actions, peasant resistances and land occupations, workers' strikes and the 15-16 June Resistance helps him to feed on practice, recognize workers and peasants-youth, compare the consistency of struggle of these classes and strata with social reality, and thus This led to the rapid maturation of his thoughts.

It started its activities in Turkish Kurdistan right after the 1970s. This period of activity was the turning point for Kaypakkaya's maturing political ideas to turn into a program. On the one hand, he created a draft of the socio-economic structure by making regional analyzes, on the other hand, he collected his observations on the national problem. He began to grasp the reality of the People's War and the essence of Kemalism much more clearly; With his strong analytical ability, he quickly wrote down what he experienced, witnessed and observed. At the end of 1971, he saw that the realities he distilled from practice were in stark contrast to what TIIKP advocated. TIIKP; reformist, social chauvinist and Kemalist. He could not analyze the problems of workers, peasants or youth correctly.

All these have made Kaypakkaya clear. With his analysis, he defined the conditions of the country and the nature of the revolution, and this imposed on him a party capable of realizing the revolution. This leap in quality brought a party, the Proletariat, to the stage of history, equipped with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, able to analyze the masses correctly, adopted the People's War strategy, and which was the leading detachment of the working class and the leader of the people.

He quickly started to organize in T. Kurdistan; He started working in Amed, Urfa, Mardin, Kars, Malatya, Maraş and Dersim. At the same time, activity was organized in cities, especially in Istanbul. The main purpose of all works is that they serve the initiation and development of the armed struggle.

During this time, Kaypakkaya did not neglect to meet with his comrades who adopted the same thoughts as him. He explained that there was no possibility of struggle within the TİİKP and that Marxist-Leninist-Maoist views were banned. Meanwhile, when the conspiracy of TİİKP members Doğu Perinçek and Halil Berktay to have Kaypakkaya killed was revealed, all ties with TİİKP were severed; Shortly after, Kaypakkaya and his comrades announced to the public that they founded the Proletariat Party and the People's Army on April 1972, 24. Then, starting from the fact that the Proletariat Party would be built during the war, they quickly started organizing work.

The theses put forward by Kaypakkaya in his 1971 Revolutionary Exodus, which was an important turning point in the history of the Turkish Revolutionary Movement, were met with special interest by both his class enemies, his friends and his successors. Because he was the representative of the communist thought burgeoning in these lands, and this made him a "special" person was doing. What we mean by "private" does not mean that he is a "god" and that the theses he put forward are inviolable, undevelopable, and indisputable. Such a treatment is in the first place against the revolutionary legacy of Kaypakkaya himself. Because, when the struggle practice and the course of development of Kaypakkaya until the time he was murdered are examined, in his own words "throwing away the stale and taking the fresh” will appear to have an approach. While Comrade Kaypakkaya is discussing the name of the party, Lenin ends his words with reference to Comrade: “And would we be afraid of ourselves? Would we be content with our 'dear' dirty shirt that we 'always' wear? … “It's time to take off the dirty shirt, it's time to put on clean clothes!"

Our party, which constituted the communist face of the revolutionary movement of Turkey in '71, gave its struggle "taking off your old shirt and putting on clean clothes” has begun. By struggling against the old, the decaying, the stale, the status quo, dogmatism and reformism,by bombarding bourgeois headquarters“He has appeared on the stage of history.

This reality shows that Comrade Kaypakkaya is a staunch Maoist, and while taking part in revolutionary practice, he evaluated the lessons he learned in the light of MLM science. Because Marxism-Leninism-Maoism tells us, testing true propositions in practice and the lessons learned from this test enriching revolutionary theory recommends.

Kaypakkaya, who is the communist face of the 1971 armed revolution, first of all has a revolutionary attitude in practice. This approach has left its mark on his practice throughout his entire life of revolutionary struggle. It should be seen that this attitude represents the most advanced stance in practice, but that he is not satisfied with it, that he is in a constant confrontation and thus provides a theoretical clarification. Due to the clarification arising from such a development process, Kaypakkaya's theses have gained the feature of the "road map" of the Turkish revolution.

Our party has continued to represent the communist face of the struggle of the working class and working people from Turkish and Kurdish nations, oppressed nationalities and beliefs in the class struggle of our country throughout its half-century history, has led, organized and part of very important resistances for half a century, and has been a part of mass movements. has been included in. On the other hand, it is clear that our struggle for communism could not reach a stage that would shake the class struggle, the ruling classes and them to their foundations.

It is not an understatement to underline this fact. On the contrary, objectively evaluating the communist attitude and attitude of half a century will make us more conscious, determined and experienced in the stormy class struggles, mass movements and People's War of the coming days.

Break Within The Break; Kemalism!

Fascism in Turkey came into being within the framework of the ideology of Kemalism, named after Musatafa Kemal. Kemalism is progressive, national, populist, etc., as the official historical narrative claims. is not; Kemalism is fascism. He is hostile to all progressive ideas, especially communism. It emerged and organized against the possibility of a revolution in Turkey. It is the racist chauvinistic ideology of the Turkish comprador bourgeoisie and the big landlords. The massacre of the Adana-Nusaybin railway workers in the 1920s, the massacre of the Kurdish people from 1925 to 1938, the murder of Mustafa Suphi and his comrades by stabbing in the Black Sea; the torture and imprisonment of dozens of progressive intellectuals for years; glorification of only Turkish in language, culture, economy and politics, writing the constitution based on fascist Italian laws, etc. It is practical proof that the ideology of Kemalism is fascist, racist and chauvinistic.

Examining and analyzing these facts, Comrade Kaypakkaya left a great legacy in the history of Turkey's revolution by lowering the 50-year blindfold with his Marxist-Leninist-Maoist thesis that Kemalism is fascism.

It is clear that one of his most important achievements is the analysis of Kemalism. Although today, to a certain extent, it has gained a much more general acceptance in the revolutionary movement with the undeniable influence of the class struggle, especially the struggle of the Kurdish National Freedom Movement, the "what" of Kemalism was, during Kaypakkaya's lifetime, in the 1960s, with mistakes, It was a question full of falsehoods and illusions. So much so that even the most revolutionary, “Marxist” leaders considered themselves responsible for protecting M. Kemal's legacy. Kaypakkaya, on the other hand, states that Kemalism, together with its class foundations, is the official ideology of the Turkish state, and as such, the Turkish ruling classes as a whole, especially the working class and peasants, the Kurdish nation and other minority nationalities, and the national and democratic struggle of oppressed beliefs, against everything that may develop against them. It has clearly and clearly revealed that the suppression of objection is its ideology.

The roots of this official ideology, called Kemalism/Kemalism, come from the Ottoman Empire. The state tradition inherited from the Ottoman Empire, in which ethnic and religious minorities were oppressed, and the architect of all kinds of torture, cruelty, massacre and genocide against all people, was continued in the history of the Republic by enriching it according to the conditions of the day. While the fascist state administration is kneaded with this racist and skullist understanding, the tradition of assimilation, genocide and massacre continues.

Today, it can be seen more clearly that the differences of Kemalism brought to the fore in the clique struggle between the Turkish ruling classes are not related to the substance but rather to the formal political field. Because Kemalism, as an official ideology, is the "official ideology" in which the dominant classes have common in attacks against the people, aggression against the Kurdish nation and other minority nationalities and beliefs, but differ on some controversial issues in the clique fight among themselves.

With the AKP government, this reality has also been a subject of considerable debate by wider segments. But the only thing that is not mentioned or discussed in these discussions is the class character of Kemalism, its fascist essence, its exploitation and oppression on the working people, and ultimately the collaboration-servantism of imperialism.

The ideological roots of murderers, gangs, "deep state", "private" organizations, etc., which are on the agenda these days, are also based on the Unionists and then the Kemalists. The counter-revolutionary organizational continuity extending from the Special Organization to the Special Warfare Department legitimizes itself through the ideology of Kemalism.

Kemalism, loyal servanthood to imperialism in our country, the dictatorship of the ruling classes over the popular classes, the racist and chauvinist system of oppression by the Turkish nation on the Kurdish nation and other national minorities based on denial and destruction, against the people of the Christian faith, especially the Alevi faith of the Sunni-Hanefi dominant faith, means parliamentary-constitutional masked fascism. Today, AKP's transition to the “presidential regime” and some of its protests against Kemalism do not change the essence of the matter. So to speak, AKP has eroded some of the top-down approaches of Kemalism towards the masses and but he reproduced it by adhering to its essence. In this sense, Turkish Islamist Kemalism has been updated with the sauce of Islamist Turkist Kemalism; servitude to imperialism, fascist pressure and terror on the working class and popular masses, on minority nationalities and beliefs, especially on the Kurdish nation, has been increased.

Finally, we must say that; While analyzing Kemalism, İbrahim Kaypakkaya did not create anything out of nothing, on the contrary, he examined a certain reality on a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist basis, became conscious of it and provided a revolutionary break. In other words, he examined the class basis on which the ideology of Kemalism was based, became aware of this and made an irrevocable revolutionary break.

Why is it important for our party to have a clear awareness of Kemalism? The way to realize a real revolution in Turkey is to take a frontal position against Kemalism, the fascist ideology of the Turkish ruling classes. A real salvation is not possible without taking a clear stance against Kemalism and removing the influence of Kemalism within the “left” in general and the revolutionary movement in particular.

In the face of the reality of the fascist dictatorship represented in the AKP today, it is extremely important that a large segment of society that defines itself as progressive, democrat and leftist is at the same time admiring Kemalism. Kemalist fascism is suggested to the working class and oppressed masses as an alternative to AKP fascism. Having a clear awareness of the communist movement on this issue is the prerequisite for a correct analysis of the approach of both wings of the ruling class cliques to back up the movements of the masses behind their own clique interests and to use it as a lever.

The importance of İbrahim Kaypakkaya's analysis of Kemalism; It comes from the fact that communists are a great weapon both for the correct analysis of the policies of the ruling classes and for understanding the revolutionary essence of the developing mass movements and directing these movements towards a revolutionary communist target in line with the class struggle. The communist movement in our country has been equipped with the accurate analysis of Kemalism and has an enormous arsenal in this regard.

Communist Approach on the National Question!

The second issue on which Kaypakkaya, and therefore our Party, made very accurate determinations, is the national question, and in this context, the approach to the Kurdish national question. Again, with his assessment on a class basis, his open and uncompromising stance against the oppression on the Kurdish nation in the continuation of his studies on Kemalism and his unconditional defense of the Kurdish nation's right to secede, that is, the right to establish a separate state, has been an important step for the Turkish Revolutionary Movement.

It has dealt a significant blow to the understandings that have been mired in social chauvinism for years, that see the genocide and national oppression of the Turkish ruling classes against the oppressed nations as legitimate, and that ignores the Kurdish nation in particular, and has clarified the point of view of the proletariat on this issue by condemning them ideologically.

National Issue When he wrote his article, the Kurdish national question was not as burning, current and advanced as it is today. On the other hand, in his work, he handled the problem from multiple perspectives, explained the perspective of the proletariat to the national problem through general principles, and also produced analyzes on how Marxist-Leninist-Maoists should approach today's problem by considering the current problem within the scope of possible developments.

Communists have known since Marx that special and decisive importance should be attached to the existence of oppressed nations in the countries they are fighting. Mark "a people that oppresses others cannot be free”, the national question has been engraved in the minds/communist consciousness as an unforgivable problem to make mistakes in the class struggle, especially in the revolutionary march of the proletariat. The practices of Lenin and Stalin, and the theory they produced, proved this definitively. This attitude of the communists continues to be registered by reality. As a communist, Kaypakkaya also dealt with the problem in our country and acted from the point of view of the liberation of the proletariat, which he adopted from the very beginning, with the concern of being a part of the revolutionary movement of the oppressed after suffering injustice.

The theses put forward by Comrade Kaypakkaya on the national question are important not only for the revolutionary movement in Turkey, but also for how the communist movement, especially the Middle East, should approach the national question and the contradictions that this question raises. Kaypakkaya, with his attitude towards the national problem and the solution he proposed, followed an MLM line, and in this sense, he brought an important theoretical opening to the international proletariat. In this sense, he proved to be a good student of the communist masters. He successfully used the theses of the masters on the national question to examine the Kurdish national question in Turkish conditions. Moreover, this was done in conditions where the Kurdish national problem was not as burning as it is today, the Kurdish National Freedom Movement was not that advanced and the contradiction was not so sharp.

İbrahim Kaypakkaya's MLM line on the national question led our party TKP-ML to mention not only the national oppression against the Kurdish nation, but also the Armenian Genocide, which is still considered a taboo at that time and even today, in its article on the national question. This is extremely important. As well as pointing to an accurate MLM analysis on the national question, he analyzed that Armenians, Jews, Greeks, etc., were massacred by the confiscation of their material assets, both in the Ottoman and Turkish periods, based on this analysis. This analysis is an important blow to the foundations of the Turkish state. According to TKP-ML, chauvinism, denial and annihilation policies towards the oppressed nations and national minorities, Kemalist ideology the essence form.

Maoism: Today's Name of Marxism Leninism!

To gradually throw off the "dead soil" of the revolutionary movement in our country; In the years when the effects of revisionism, reformism and modern revisionism began to break down with the militant mass rise and the ideological and political alignments began to accelerate, the framework that most clearly revealed this alignment was the debates between the CPSU and the CCP. More precisely, it is the alignment of the CCP, led by Chairman Mao, against the modern revisionism of Khrushchev, in which the Marxist-Leninist stance is taken.

During this period, Comrade Ibrahim took a stand in favor of the ML line of the CCP led by Chairman Mao, in the discussions between Khrushchev's modern revisionism and the CCP, within the international communist movement. In this, the effects of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Comrade Mao "Bomb the Bourgeois Headquarters!It was decisive that the "instruction" was answered by İbrahim Kaypakkaya. As a matter of fact, TKP-ML continued its struggle against modern revisionism by continuing this line.

As a young revolutionary, İbrahim Kaypakkaya also studied the Marxist-Leninist classics that he could reach under the conditions of that day, while learning from the mass movements he was in. We understand from the accounts of the struggle mates of the period that Kaypakkaya was a good reader, but was not content with reading, but was a revolutionary who actively used what he had read both in the structure he was organized in and in the youth debates of his time. This attitude shows that besides being revolutionary in practice, he evaluated the lessons learned from practice with the science of MLM and reached a synthesis. Kaypakkaya examined all the ML corpus he could reach under the conditions of the period and determined its ranks accordingly. This clear stance fundamentally distinguishes him from other revolutionary leaders of his time. The fact that he represents the communist face of the armed revolutionary exit of '71 is also due to his clear stance in the alignment within the international communist movement.

Our party TKP-ML defends that this communist line, which Kaypakkaya laid the foundation for in its half-century history, is at the stage of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Especially in the late 1980s and early '90s, the line developed by Chairman Mao on the basis of Marxism-Leninism in various parts of the world came to life, with the successful acceleration of the People's War practices, the theoretical debates within the International Communist Movement rose to an important level, together with many other communist parties. Mao Zedong's formulation of Maoism was accepted by naming his qualitative contributions to Marxism-Leninism. Instead of the Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought (ML-MZD), which it used before, our partyIt is not possible to defend Marxism-Leninism without defending Maoism.“He made an important point.

While many petty-bourgeois organizations, influenced by the prestige of Chairman Mao and the CCP in the years when our party was founded, rejected Mao's contributions to ML, our party insisted on this stance and maintained its scientific stance. TKP-ML's insistence on MLM science became the guarantee of its communist line and protected it not only from counter-revolutionary attacks but also from reformist, opportunist, modern revisionist attacks.

In addition, Comrade Mao's contribution to ML on qualitative points and taking its place in the science of revolution as the MLM stage has a different importance. The real importance of the Chinese revolution and Chairman Mao can be understood from these. Especially "Imperialism and the era of proletarian revolutionsThe issue of identifying the weaknesses of imperialism and its collaborators and developing a war strategy accordingly became clear. It was clear that imperialism and its collaborators were weaker in rural areas than in cities, and that the struggle for power would develop through the People's War.

This determination meant that the question of how the revolution would take place in countries like ours was now answered. Which, at the same time, contains the answers to the questions about the arrival of ML to the MLM stage. In the philosophical field, in the field of political economy, in the field of scientific socialism, Chairman Mao's qualitative contributions to the basic components of ML can be seen by understanding this.

In the light of Comrade Kaypakkaya and his views, TKP-ML handled and analyzed the Chinese revolution and its development strategy with these aspects, and tried to adapt the universal lessons that emerged from this practice to the country's concrete and class struggle practice. Kaypakkaya's advanced understanding of MLM is based on the main contradictions and the main contradiction, his understanding of two-line struggle within the party, the path of the revolution, its starting point, its development, his understanding of the People's War Strategy, class alliances, his understanding of "red political bases" and the basic theses he put forward in this direction. It will be easily seen… As a matter of fact, Kaypakkaya also said “Our movement is the product of BPKD“He embodied this situation by saying.

As a result, we can say that; In the concrete of our country, BPKD is most clearly reflected in the establishment of TKP-ML. Our party has dimensioned its clear stance in the alignment within the International Communist Movement within the country as well, and achieved a definitive break by fighting against revisionism and reformism on the basis of MLM. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has left its mark on the basic features that distinguish our party TKP-ML from the revolutionary parties and organizations established in the same period and after. Our party is a communist party because it is a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, it is a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist because it is a communist party.

TKP-ML and the Communism Struggle Are Internationalists By Their Character!

In line with İbrahim Kaypakkaya's views on the values ​​and experiences of the International Communist Movement and the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist approach in the conditions of that day, TKP-ML embraced Mao's approach, after the death of Stalin, the USSR was a revisionist, and since the 1960s a socialist movement. adopted the analysis that he was imperialist. He enthusiastically welcomed the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and considered Mao the fifth master of the international proletariat.

The international field activity of our party dates back to its founding years. It is known that with the establishment of our party, it took steps in the international arena and held talks with some parties in this direction. The systematic handling of our work in the international field begins with the 1st Conference period. Since this process, our activity has been knitted with important steps, selfless efforts and works taken in this direction throughout the half-century of history, and despite the setbacks sometimes experienced, our Party has always followed a sincere and responsible line for the unity of the Maoists in the international arena.

Our party speaks of a dual feature of international activity. first to raise the activity in our country and to crown it with revolution; latter to be in solidarity with the revolutions of other countries, to ensure the transfer of knowledge, experience and experience mutually. Our party has adopted its approach to international activities in its struggle for 50 years.Developing the Country Revolution to Serve the World Revolution!” and organized its practical activity in line with this understanding.

Although the problems experienced by the communist movement after Chairman Mao's death, created a positive wind with the burning effect of the people's wars under the leadership of communists in some countries, the defeats and blockages experienced by these people's wars, especially the attitudes of their leadership, were the last for the communist movement to meet and repel this counter-revolutionary wave. resulted in a very negative situation.

Despite this objective situation, it is necessary to state the following fact: The imperialist capitalist system is in crisis. The peoples of the world are on the streets, in action. Peoples do not accept the living conditions, exploitation, oppression and massacres imposed on them. Before the pandemic, which emerged as a product of the imperialist capitalist system's greed for profit and exploitation, there was a tremendous mobility of the masses in about 50 countries. Although the ruling classes suppressed this movement of the masses to a certain extent on the grounds of pandemic bans, they could not end the rebellion, anger and reaction of the masses to the conditions they were in. The coming years are pregnant with new revolts of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples. New Uprisings, Springs, Serhildans, Intifadas… It will pave the way for People's Wars and revolutionary rebellions.

The future belongs to the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples! The Future is People's Democratic and Socialist Revolutions! Because communism is born out of the imperialist capitalist system, and the progress of history continues despite all the twists, retreats and defeats.

Insistence on armed struggle is insistence on revolution!

The combination of the above-mentioned unquenchable anger of the peoples of the world, and the expression of this anger in various forms, with the revolutionary and communist vanguards waging an armed struggle will bring the imperialist-capitalist system to an end. Comrade MaoIf a people don't have an army, they have nothing.”, preserves its value and meaning in today's conditions, where the imperialist-capitalists and their local servant-collaborators are armed to the teeth. In the system of exploitation, in which the gains made through struggles at the cost of life are overturned with a small blow, the only way to protect these gains and channel them into the revolutionary struggle is the armed struggle, the People's War in our country. In other words, the revolutionary struggle will be won by using all forms and means of struggle, but based on the armed struggle. TKP-ML looks at all forms of struggle from this point of view.

It is possible to understand this reality even from the reflexes of the ruling classes. There is a justifiable reason why the "specter of communism" kept the ruling classes awake in countries where the People's War was successfully waged, such as India, the Philippines, Brazil, Peru and Nepal for a while. The Peruvian state, which is directly responsible for the murder of President Gonzalo, the leader of the Peruvian Communist Party and People's War, after 29 years of complete isolation, has a reason to hide even his cremated funeral by enacting a special law. This is the fear of knowing that the persistent armed struggle of the Maoist parties, which creatively applied the People's War to the originality of their country, will bring their own demise, and this is not an abstract situation at all.

A reflection of the insistence on the armed struggle has been seen in Rojava territory for a long time. The fact that the Syrian Kurds, who do not even have an identity, first formed self-defense units, then became an army and created "miracles" by resisting the Turkish state and its gangs, is an example of what a people can achieve when they have an army and apply the right military strategy. TKP-ML gained great experience as a modest part of this honorable and just struggle; He has made important inferences from this struggle for his own part.

The Cause of Our Failures Is Our Ideological Incompetence!

Even though our party has gained significant successes and achieved positions in the class struggle, despite the passage of half a century since its establishment, it has not been able to destroy fascism and establish the Democratic People's Power as a result. There are many reasons for this objective fact. However, the main point to be grasped is the inability of our party to grasp the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Our 50-year history has shown us that our party has achieved significant gains in the class struggle, to the extent that it has grasped the science of MLM, and has made progress in the practice of People's War and armed struggle. Conversely, when he fell behind in his understanding of the MLM ideology, he experienced setbacks, suffered defeats and lost the positions he had won.

The loss of our party's leading cadres, especially our founding leader İbrahim Kaypakkaya, within the practice of class struggle has been effective in our party's experience of this problem. One year after its establishment, our party lost its central structure and suffered a heavy defeat, with the capture and murder of its leading cadres, especially Comrade İbrahim Kaypakkaya. Again, after the Military Fascist Junta of September 12, 1980, although he continued his struggle against fascism under heavy conditions, he suffered a second defeat in the face of the attacks of the fascist junta.

The defeats and losses suffered by our party in the practice of class struggle were effective in its inability to create a continuous leadership line. This objective reality has caused our party to have problems in grasping the MLM ideology and applying it to the reality of the country's class struggle. Our inadequacies in understanding MLM have led to some inadequacies in our struggle against left and right liquidationism and all kinds of opportunist lines within the party. The fact that the party is a contradiction teaches that right and left opportunism will emerge within itself, and what is more, the main problem is that the communist line will become stronger in a relentless struggle against these lines.

One of the mistakes that are frequently made in our understanding of the 50-year history of our party is that the factions, putschist, liquidationist attacks and separations weakened the party and that is why the class struggle was not successful. Although this approach seems correct at first glance, it is incomplete. Of course, there are the emergence of these lines and the damage they have done to our party. However, the main point to be understood is; is the inadequacy of our party's understanding of MLM ideology. Due to this inadequacy, our party struggled against the factions, but this struggle could not develop and strengthen the communist line within itself. Our country could not adequately analyze and analyze the relationship between the internal processes and the class struggle, and thus, while struggling with these lines, on the other hand, as a complement to this struggle, it failed to strengthen its communist line by discarding the old and discarding the new, stale and not buying the fresh.

This situation caused our party to have problems in associating with the mass struggles that developed within the practice of class struggle, learning from these struggles and reproducing and leading its own communist line. This is the reason why our party has not been able to develop and become stronger, unable to lead the class struggle as it should.

Our half-century-old history shows us that our party is in a significant inadequacy in this regard, and this objective reality is also effective in the fact that our party is not in the place it deserves in the class struggle.

Party to Revolution! Glory to our 1st Congress!

Our party TKP-ML, in its 1st Congress, formed the struggle program for the upcoming process, shaped its mode of action, and presented its general direction to guide it, with this perspective.

Our Congress has undertaken very important tasks in terms of our Party history and has covered a great distance by discussing the problems we face in many topics. Undoubtedly, each of our savings on the heavy burden of the problems we have inherited from the past also means our obligations for the future.

Our congress dealt with the forms of class struggle in our geography today and analyzed them and determined its goals and tasks for the future from there. Likewise, by discussing the current reality of our Party, it has filtered its ideological, political, organizational and military picture through a scientific filter and reached certain resolutions.

* One of the most important steps of our Party Congress is that it created the party program after half a century. This is a step of historical importance. During the period until our congress, a party program was not established, the "programmatic views" of Comrade Kaypakkaya were contented. This is undoubtedly an important shortcoming. Because, Comrade Kaypakkaya talks about the party's statute and program as well as ideological unity for a party to become a party. Our party, after Comrade Kaypakkaya, formed its charter at its 1st Conference, but did not create a program, and in this sense, it left one aspect of being a "true party" missing. In our 1st Congress, this deficiency was corrected.

* Our party has updated its charter based on the lessons it has learned from the process it has lived through, the various accumulations revealed by the class struggle in our country, and of course, from the point where we are positioned in the women's struggle.

* Our Congress analyzed the social and economic conditions of Turkey and Turkish Kurdistan and pointed out the existence of new contradictions among the main contradictions in Turkish society at the current stage. These oppressing nation and oppressed nations and nationalities conflict between gender oppressed by the patriarchal system the conflict between crushing beliefs crushing beliefs It is a contradiction between the system and the ecological system… All these contradictions are the contradictions that come to the fore along with other contradictions in the Turkish society we live in and fight against.

* Our party, together with the orientation it has put in front of it in the ideological, political and organizational fields, with the short and medium-term plans it has made, especially with the task of developing the People's War, organizing mainly within the working class in the cities, greater integration with the Kurdish people, the society's women, the public youth, the unemployed masses, etc. has set a target to meet with all its dynamics.

* Our party has taken an important step against patriarchy by creating a new organization in this area, in addition to new articles such as the "women's quota" it has put in its statute. In this direction, as an autonomous organization Communist Women's Uniondecided to establish theWithout women there is no revolution, without revolution women cannot be savedIt has given concreteness to the slogan of ” in the organizational field. He specifically underlined the importance of the struggle against all kinds of homophobia and transphobia against LGBTI+s that the patriarchy oppressed, oppressed and exploited, and included this issue both in its charter and in its program.

* Our party underlined that our country is a part of the Middle East geography, which was one of the storm centers of the revolution, underlined the importance of turning our face to this geography more in the struggle for the revolution.Middle Easternizationformulated as ”. This formulation –as we live– By drawing thicker lines between us and Kemalist, enlightened and modernist currents, we are trying to explain the ground on which we are fighting for the revolution, the people, their contradictions, demands, etc. emphasized that it will serve to analyze more accurately.

Our Party, in its 1st Congress, made many determinations besides these articles, and set a number of tasks before it. It is undoubtedly important to identify all these. It is no small thing to be able to see the truth, then determine what to do, and then how to do it. But the most important thing is to be able to achieve them. For this, first of all, a strong will, persistent and stubborn effort is required. Discipline, perseverance and self-sacrifice are required. In line with the orientation determined by our party, all cadres and militants, all supporters and sympathizers have great duties. Everyone should participate with all their might in the campaigns and activities to be carried out due to the 50 years of our party and work with an excited mobilization spirit.

Our 50 Year Struggle is Our Will to Win the Future!

Our party, which has managed to fit countless prison escapes and resistance in its 50-year history, has accomplished important practices in the dungeons. “It's not about being held captive, it's about not surrendering.With the understanding of ”, it has been involved in the resistance and struggle against fascism with tens of thousands of prisoners in its half-century history, gave martyrs and veterans in the struggle for prisons, and achieved important successes.

Our party, which has carried out the "September 2 Slum Resistance" in the struggle for the right to housing and housing in Turkey, and countless guerrilla actions and resistance in the mountains and cities, continues its struggle against fascism with the same determination as its struggle that overthrew half a century.

TKP-ML has been in the practice and approach of working together with revolutionary parties and organizations, developing short and long-term action alliances, and developing long-term alliances since its establishment. In our half-century history, there have been periods when this understanding has been put into practice. Our party finally United Revolutionary Movement of the Peoples ve Women's United Revolutionary Movement It took place with the awareness of developing the armed struggle and striking more effective blows against fascism.

We have been here for half a century, we are in the trenches of war against fascism in every field and we will continue to be. That's what we've done before, that's what we're doing now, and that's what we'll be doing in the future. We will shake the world once again from the Turkish soil. With our shortcomings, mistakes, defeats and of course with our successes, positivity, our contributions to the Turkish revolutionary movement, and our blows and victories against the enemy, we continue to take our place in the trenches of the class struggle and to increase our assertion and belief.

This is dialectical materialism. There are victories and defeats, advances and setbacks. As quoted by Comrade Ibrahim Kaypakkaya from Chairman Mao “To fight, to fail, to fight again, to fail again, to fight again, to act like this until victory—that is the logic of the people.” This is what our party has done and will do. Until he triumphs, crushes fascism and establishes the New Democratic Turkey!

Our fear is the same as that of our leading comrade. Comrade Ibrahim's only fear was that our party would lag behind the spontaneous struggle of the masses; “The worldwide economic crisis is deepening. This crisis will compound the crisis in the country and mass struggle will rise in waves. I personally fear that we will not be able to embrace these waves if we go on like this, that we will fall behind these waves. Spontaneous development is much faster than that of the pioneer. You can't see this. Since you cannot see, you are not making a perfect effort, we are not.” Our party will act in accordance with the instruction of Comrade İbrahim Kaypakkaya to “make an excellent effort”,Red flag waving on Dündül mountainIn his last letter he wrote to us from Amed Dungeon on February 28, 1973,Greetings, I Kiss Your Eyes Warmly… I wish you a harder, stronger, more determined war. Goodbye“He will fulfill his wish.

Our party will win with the resistance of Comrade Süleyman Cihan who does not give any secrets in torture and with the courage to face all kinds of difficulties...

Our party will win with the determination and insistence of Comrade Kazım Çelik in the people's war that inhabits the mountains...

Our party, Comrade Mehmet Demirdag "on the edge of the storm” in our walk, which he described as “The situation is good because the facts are revolutionary” he will strictly adhere to his motto andyou should write thisHe will win by his order…

Our party, Comrade Halil Çakıroğlu, said:Let me go, make the party stronger“He will earn by working in accordance with his will…

our party, "We will prepare a position in the mountains to fight for all of you. we are waiting for youBarbara Anna Kirstler will win with the international spirit of our comrade…

Our party,To destroy my smile you have to smash my faceEmre Bilgin will win with the determination of comrade Emre Bilgin...

Our party, in dungeon conditions "As long as there's fights and parties, I'll liveComrade Polat Iyit, who lost his life with these words, will win with the faith of his comrade...

Our party will win with the courage of Comrade Özgür Kemal Karabulut, the revolutionary of hard times...

Our party,hit the old one to fall down, give a shoulder to the new oneComrade Barış Aslan, who adopts the slogan of "", will win with the courage of comrade...

Our party,Every part of us lives with our comrades, in the brains. How can they get?” will win with the fearlessness of Muharrem Rooster...

Our Party, Comrade Leyla Karakoç"I can't fall into the individualism of thinking only about my own childrenHe will win with the consciousness of making the mountains a dwelling by saying ”.

Our party will win with the courage of Comrade Cihan Fındık in the Eurogold protest and his insistence on joining the guerrilla.

Our party will win with the practice of becoming immortal by walking over the fears of Comrade Dilek Polat.

Our party will walk with the attitude of Comrade Dursun Çaktı, who is aware of his responsibility and does not hesitate to take part, and will win with his devoted sharing.

Our Party, Comrade Sefagül Kesgin "everybody do their job” will win by acting in accordance with its simple instructions and concentrating on the tasks imposed by the class struggle.

Our party will win with the will of Comrade Yetiş Alone, who does not stop for a moment to defend what he thinks is right.

Our party will win with the practice of your comrade Cengiz İçli being present wherever duty calls.

Our party, your comrade Serdar Can,the commander is the commander at the front” will win by practicing the slogan under all conditions.

Our party will never forget the sweat of Comrade Beautiful Şahin and will win by taking his youthful energy as an example.

Our party, our comrade Nubar Ozanyan "where there is injustice, don't be thereHe will win with his practice and persistence in the struggle.

And our Party will win for the will and aspirations of many more immortals whose names we cannot mention here!

 

We Will Win With the Experience and Accumulation of the 50th Year!

We will win! The Proletariat and the Oppressed Rights Will Win!

 

Communist Party of Turkey – Marxist-Leninist

German: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/13095742/50.-yil-deutsch.pdf

Arabic: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/13095642/قسم.pdf

French: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/13095717/50-yil-fransizca.pdf

English: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/13095659/50th-Final-EN.pdf

Kurdish: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/13095730/Kurdish.pdf

Turkish: https://tkpmlmedia.tkpml.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/14191228/50ci-yil-son-1.pdf

Portuguese: https://www.tkpml.com/nosso-partido-e-nosso-guia-inspiracao-e-poder/?swcfpc=1