Communist Party of the Philippines: Fight against the US-Marcos II regime and advance the people's war!

Fight against the US-Marcos II regime and advance the people's war!

Communist Party of the Philippines

June 30, 2022

 

The Marcos and Duterte faction of the ruling reactionary classes won an impossible "overwhelming" victory with 9 million votes, by rigging the May 31,5 election via pre-programmed ballot counters using hacked SD cards. Ferdinand Jr, son and namesake of the hated former dictator Marcos, will take office today as president and, with Tirana Rodrigo's daughter Sara Duterte as vice president, will run an illegitimate regime and a system mired in crisis and simmering social unrest.

Duterte's fascist crimes and legacy of crisis

For six years, the Philippine people have been subjected to relentless political oppression and worsening forms of exploitation and persecution.

Duterte called the false "war on drugs" to impose his tyrannical rule, to terrorize the masses, to centralize and monopolize bribery and other forms of corruption, to reward his followers with privileges and major government contracts, to cultivate loyalty in the army and police, to amass great wealth and power, and to maintain his political dynasty. and resorted to demagogy tricks to deceive the public with the "war on terror" and to fake development with the so-called "golden age of infrastructure".

Duterte buried the country deep into a backward and non-industrial economy by further liberalizing its import policies and bolstering foreign investment through tax incentives, cheap workers' wages and the repeal of environmental regulations. Local production remains dependent on imported goods and foreign capital investment, and is largely focused on the export of semi-finished and locally assembled goods (electronic chips, automobile wiring, computer parts) and raw agricultural products (especially bananas and pineapples).

Under Duterte, the Philippine economy was lagging behind and its mainly agricultural characteristics deepened. Increasingly, it has become unable to provide sufficient jobs or livelihoods to the people. The majority of the people continue to engage in agricultural production. The official share of agriculture in national production (nominally decreased from 10,4% to 9,6%) is portrayed as small, but in fact it represents the large number of people who are part of the rural economy (seasonal agricultural workers, unpaid family members, single rural job seekers). , hunters, etc.). It also does not include masses of peasants displaced by widespread land grabs by mining companies, plantations, infrastructure, energy and tourism projects, which do not create as much employment as they destroy. Production continues to stagnate, with a share of less than 20% of the gross domestic product, unable to absorb the growing army of the unemployed and temporarily employed. The number of Filipinos desperately going to work overseas continues to rise.

When Duterte takes office, he is poised to leave a massive 5.9 trillion pesos debt, more than double the public debt of 12.7 trillion pesos. Six years of borrowing spree failed to change the country's downward economic trajectory. Claims that large amounts of debt went to the pandemic response are outright lies. In fact, much of Duterte's accumulated debt went to foreign-funded, mostly unfinished, “Make, Build, Build” construction projects run in partnership with local big-bourgeois compradors, essentially given back to foreign contractors, steel and equipment manufacturers, and lining the pockets of favored client companies.

Annual debt payments under Duterte rose from Pesos 2016 billion in 790 to Pesos 50 trillion this year, up more than 1,2%. These debts are being paid off by the Philippine people through increasingly heavy taxes, cuts in social service spending, and even more debt. The TRAIN Act (Tax Reform for the Acceleration and Inclusion Act) was one of Duterte's first measures. It will always be remembered with deep displeasure for causing serious difficulties to the broad masses.

Over the past six years, people have suffered from rising prices for nearly all kinds of goods and services, and inflation has reached its highest levels in a decade. Wages were suppressed and lowered under Duterte. Workers' minimum daily wages were hardly increased and remained far below living standards. Workers' rights are blatantly violated to prevent workers from forming unions and bargaining for better wages, working conditions and terms of employment. Duterte maintained the widespread system of employment contracts that exposed workers to intense forms of exploitation. During the Covid-19 pandemic, Filipinos suffered from the harsh conditions of the public health system due to social spending cuts in previous years. Even greater outrage was that Duterte and his henchmen used the Covid-19 pandemic to make billions of pesos through anomalous buy deals. The Duterte regime should be utterly condemned for being incapacitated by the rapidly deteriorating economic conditions of the people due to rising prices and shortages in the first half of 2022.

Duterte used fascist state terrorism at a new level of intensity and brazenness to prevent the social volcano from erupting. It is estimated that at least 30.000 people were killed by police and state-sponsored vigilantes in Duterte's "war on drugs" campaign to control the illegal drug trade. Duterte, through the National Task Force (NTF)-Elcac and Executive Order 2020 (70), establishing the 2017 “Anti-Terrorism Act”, red-labeling, criminalizing broad legal, democratic, patriotic and progressive forces and targeted with a campaign of legal warfare, arrest and prolonged detention and extrajudicial executions.

Duterte, provoked by the US imperialists, made the "counter-guerrilla" left, right and center of state policy and brought the civilian bureaucracy under the control of the army. Under the guise of "modernization" it has transferred unprecedented amounts of funds to the Armed Forces of the Philippines (FSK) to purchase drones, warplanes, bombs, cannons, rifles and other war materials from American defense companies. He raised the salaries of FSK's officers and privates above the statutory salary to secure FSK's loyalty and debt of gratitude.

Over the past five years, the FSK has used a desperate counter-insurgency tactic to conduct continuous multi-battalion or brigade-sized military operations involving the mobilization of a few hundred to about a thousand soldiers in a focus area, at great cost to the population, to encircle and engage New People's Army (YHO) units in strategic engagements. applied. Battalion of fascist units were released like packs of rabid dogs. They carried out psychological warfare and intelligence operations, the conversion of communities into slaughterhouses, night raids on civilian homes, interrogations of civilians, as well as aerial bombardment of farms and nearby mountains in a relentless campaign of state terror, suppression and pacification against the peasant masses and ethnic minority communities. These brutal attacks on civilians pursue the foolish aim of “drying out the ocean and getting the fish out of the water”. Military operations have been more intense and brutal in areas where there has been mass resistance to the establishment or expansion of large businesses.

The FSK's defense officials and officers are only deluding themselves when they brag about "dissolving" or "weakening" more than half of the YHO's guerrilla fronts. They are counting the incredible numbers of “YHO surrenders” that are several times their estimated YHO fighters. In fact, the vast majority of YHO units were able to overcome the enemy's focused military operations by adopting the guerrilla tactic of gaining time by displacing to thwart the FSK's encirclement. These flexible counter-guerrilla measures of the YHO allow its troops to maintain their strength, expand their area of ​​operation, further expand their mass base, and gain more ground to launch tactical attacks or counter-attacks against the enemy.

With limited resources, the FSK and the Philippine National Police (FUP) can only cover a limited area, allowing YHO units to operate freely in wider areas beyond the scope of FSK operations. In areas where they target civilians with intense fascist attacks, reactionary forces can only manage to expose the corruption of the dominant system and encourage the people to resist, fueling their desire to join the YHO and take part in the armed resistance.

The party-led YHO failed the Duterte regime's declared goal of crushing the armed resistance of the people. Duterte himself admitted the failure, saying that the goal of defeating YHO under Marcos will be achieved within the next two years. This explanation will also fail.

The Party and YHO resisted the enemy's all-out attacks. Despite some losses in some areas at the start of the FSK's major military operations, the YHO continues to remain strong and enjoy the deep and broad support of the peasant masses. The aggravation of the socio-economic crisis and the worsening of the oppression and exploitation of the workers, peasants and other working people are creating more favorable conditions than ever for the conduct of the people's war and all kinds of mass resistance. With the emergence of the illegitimate US-Marcos II regime, the moral ground of the people's war and the revolutionary cause was further raised.

Increasing authoritarianism and worsening crisis under Marcos II

Marcos Jr will take power as the crisis of the sovereign system deteriorates rapidly, aggravated by the complete liberalization of the Duterte regime, its rampant corruption, unlimited borrowing, and wasteful military and police overspending. Submissive to US imperialism and Chinese monopoly capitalists, representing the interests of the ruling classes of the big bourgeois compradors and big landlords, Marcos Jr, himself a big bureaucrat capitalist, is incapable of solving the problems of the ruling system. Marcos and his regime are currently the most intense expression of the fundamental problems of the Philippine people regarding imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism.

It is certain that the crisis of the dominant semi-colonial and semi-feudal system and the suffering of the broad masses of the Philippine people will worsen under the Marcos II regime. The crisis of the dominant political system will also continue to deepen in the face of factional conflicts and growing mass unrest.

Periodic recessions and slow recovery in the USA and other centers of capitalism, the economic slowdown in China in recent years, the more frequent bursting of large and small financial bubbles, huge public debts, weak demand for semi-finished products from semi-colonial countries, increased economic and commercial competition, increased armed conflicts and massive military expenditures against public health and other social guarantees bring with them a prolonged stagnation of the global capitalist system.

The followers of the IMF and the World Bank, chosen by Marcos Jr as economic directors, have nothing new to offer but their permanent solution to attract foreign investors and build infrastructure. This has been the "solution" proposed by the same technocrats for nearly forty years, but which has dragged the country into deeper and deeper economic backwardness. Economic "growth" is measured not by the balanced growth of industry and agriculture or the improvements in people's lives, but by how much money and resources foreign capitalists have made and siphoned back to their countries.

The technocrats' "solution" has always been to keep wages low, provide tax incentives to foreign capitalists and abolish regulations protecting national capitalists, resort to foreign borrowing and ever-increasing public debt, rising trade deficits, balance of payments and financial crises, and raising taxes.

Like all previous reactionary regimes, the new Marcos II regime will ignore the long-standing demands of the peasant masses for real land reform as a solution to the problem of landlessness and rural unrest. Marcos Jr's announcement that he will head the agriculture department foreshadows that he will inflict greater suffering on the peasant masses under the Marcos dictatorship through programs such as fake land reform (PD 27) and the Masagana 99 and coconut tax fund. It is highly likely that Marcos Jr. used his control over the agriculture ministry to seize control of the smuggling syndicates, accelerate the expansion of palm oil plantations in Mindanao, and pave the way for the entry of larger capitalist plantations dedicated to export-oriented crops.

The first months of Marcos Jr's administration will be marked by continued rise in fuel, food and other commodity prices, the depreciation of the peso, the decline in purchasing power, and continued unemployment and low wages as the new regime has no plans to move away from the Duterte regime's anti-poor and anti-popular policies. Without significant budget increases, the public health system remains unprepared for a possible resurgence of the Covid-19 pandemic.

With his inauguration, Marcos Jr. will likely get back the billions of dollars the Marcos family has unfairly received. The policy of not following the corruption and plundering lawsuits brought against the Marcos family has already been announced and has ensured that Imelda Marcos will likely live a free and luxurious life for the rest of her life. Heavy pressure is put on court judges to overturn previous decisions against the Marcoss. The Marcos estate may decide to write off or ignore the $203 billion unpaid tax. The Marcos did not repent of all their looting and corruption crimes. The Marcos family aims to rewrite history to cover up the crimes of the dictatorship and create an "alternative truth" that the dark days of martial law are the "golden years" for the country. They now have the power to take back full control of all their wealth and accumulate even more through bribery, nepotism and pocketing their stake in government and military contracts, just as Imelda took 10% of everything during the Marcos dictatorship.

The rise to power of the Marcos clique and the continuity of the Dutertes will continue to deepen the political and economic strife between the different factions of the ruling classes. There is little room for sharing privileges between different business circles vying for a share of the shrinking economic pie. Even now, some big companies are being forced to cooperate with the new regime to give them a larger share of their profits, just as Duterte and previous regimes did. There is also intense conflict between the Marcos and Dutertes, especially as Marcos tries to consolidate his power within the military and police forces and break the loyalties Duterte has developed. For as long as he can, Rodrigo Duterte won't let Marcos Jr put his daughter Sara aside like he did with Vice President Robredo for six years. The FSK's creation of the Vice Presidency Security and Protection Group at Sara Duterte's request is an attack on Marcos, and in particular the rejection by Marcos Jr of Sara's request to be appointed Minister of National Defense and replaced by the relatively weak Ministry of Education. It shows that he had a deep distrust of Sara after his appointment to the

Marcos Jr creates the illusion that he can set both the United States and China against each other amid an "independent foreign policy" and rising economic and military imperialist rivalry. Like Duterte, Marcos' aim is not to preserve national sovereignty. In fact, he is a servant to both sides and aims to turn the country into a battleground for imperialist giants by surrendering the sovereign rights of the country. On the one hand, Marcos required the United States to continue to enjoy extraterritorial rights and maintain military facilities in FSK camps under the Mutual Defense Treaty, Visiting Forces Treaty, Enhanced Defense Cooperation Treaty, and other unequal military agreements, and to wage an all-out war against the armed revolutionary movement and use U.S.-supplied weapons. wants it to follow US instructions in acquiring it. On the other hand, it plans to allow China to maintain its military installations and tyrannical presence in the West Philippine Sea, plunder the country's naval and mineral resources, and undertake major infrastructure projects that consume China's surplus capital and goods and employ Chinese citizens.

The Marcos II regime entered the path of authoritarian rule. Even now, there are clear threats to people's freedoms and democratic rights, especially to the freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of expression and freedom of the press. Marcos Jr and his officials have declared that they have no intention of restarting peace negotiations with the GRP-NDFP (Government of the Philippines -GRP- and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines -NDFP).

Wanting to continue the Duterte regime's policy of repression, army and police officials began calling the legal progressive and democratic forces with a red notice, associating them with the revolutionary armed movement. While NTF-Elcac and FKS were pushing for the banning of websites and the blocking of news in the media under the guise of "fighting terrorism", they had previously carried out attacks on public organizations, such as removing books written by FUDC or related to FUDC from school libraries, tagging bookstores and public organizations. Despite the failure of the FSK's all-out military offensive to crush the armed revolution over the past five years, the Marcos II regime and its security and defense officials remain obsessed with waging all-out war, dreaming of defeating the YHO.

Masses of the Philippine people, grappling with poverty and hardship, are boiling with intense anger at their deteriorating socioeconomic conditions, as well as the return of the hated Marcos and the continuation of the Dutertes by rigging the May 9 elections. Under the tyranny of Duterte and the coming US-Marcos II regime, the fundamental problems of the Philippine people are emerging as the crisis of the dominant semi-colonial and semi-feudal system intensifies and exposes the broad masses to worsening forms of oppression and exploitation. They are determined to rise up en masse to fight for their democratic rights and urgent demands. They raise their militant cry for revolutionary change.

Fight against the US-Marcos II regime and advance the people's war

The party must take advantage of the economic and political crisis of the ruling semi-colonial and semi-feudal system to advance the general program of carrying out the people's democratic revolution. In accordance with the general program of the Party, the fundamental task of uniting and mobilizing the Philippine people to fight against the US-Marcos II regime, advancing the revolutionary armed struggle, has become one of the most urgent tasks of the Party and the revolutionary forces.

The task of combating the US-Marcos II regime is compatible with, serves and helps to accelerate the main task of waging revolutionary armed struggle; on the other hand, raising the people's revolutionary armed struggle increases its capacity to combat the evolving authoritarian rule of the Marcos II regime.

The Philippine people must be awakened, organized and mobilized against the illegitimate, public enemy, puppet and fascist US-Marcos II regime. A broad united front must be built of all democratic, antifascist, anti-Marcos and anti-Duterte forces. These forces expose the frauds in the 9 May elections and deny the election results. The public must continue to remember and reject the history of corruption, looting, and military and police abuses under the US-Marcos I dictatorship. Attempts to reverse the historical judgment of the people must be resisted. Imelda must raise the demand for the Marcos and their supporters to pay for their crimes of corruption and looting and gross human rights violations, including thousands of murders, massacres, torture and political detention. At the same time, they must raise the public's demand that Rodrigo Duterte, his army and police be tried and punished for crimes against humanity and war crimes, widespread corruption and treason against the country's sovereignty over the past six years. Revolutionary people's courts are ready for Duterte to be prosecuted, tried and punished.

The Philippine people must struggle against all the repressive policies and measures that Marcos Jr. They must expose and cast aside all false promises and illusions that would certainly be fabricated by Marcos Jr. and his government to serve as a smokescreen to all premeditated plans to deceive, steal from, and betray the people.

The broad masses of workers, peasants and toilers, students, teachers, academics, professionals, ordinary workers and other democratic sections must be strongly and tirelessly made aware, organized and mobilized to advance their anti-imperialist, antifeudal and antifascist struggles. They must strengthen and multiply the number of their unions and mass organizations, which are the basis of the strength of the broad united front against the US-Marcos II regime.

Democratic mass struggles must be waged, both in cities and in the countryside, to advance the urgent demands of the people and their national democratic aspirations. The struggles of the workers, the urban semi-proletariat, students and youth, teachers, workers and other oppressed classes and sections of the cities must be raised and strengthened. They should also help draw attention to socioeconomic conditions and state oppression in rural areas. The struggles for wage and salary increases, free education and free public health services, a real land reform of the peasant masses and agricultural workers, lowering the land rent, raising farm wages, eliminating usury, and helping the large commercial plantations, mining companies, energy, ecotourism and infrastructure projects against land grabs at fair farm prices and an end to total liberalization of imports and unrestricted smuggling of rice, vegetables, meat and other agricultural products.

Widespread human rights violations, military and police abuses, and gross violations of international human rights law must be fully and promptly disclosed and condemned. Civic organizations should increase their capacity to expose and report on all murders, massacres, arbitrary arrests and prolonged political detention, particularly in rural isolated areas. They should bring all these to the attention of the public at the national and international level.

In both cities and rural areas, the population is struggling against rising prices of fuel and other essential goods, additional taxes, greater trade and investment liberalization, and other imperialist-imposed economic policies and economic plunder by multinational corporations, Chinese land occupation, and US military intervention. to unite.

The broad united front of the democratic, progressive and patriotic forces should expose and combat the counter-guerrilla warfare policy provoked by the United States under the pretext of the “US war on terror”. They should vigorously expose the role of the U.S. imperialist government and its military advisers in killing peace negotiations, fueling militarism, intensifying the war of suppression, and using the tactics of large-scale operations and aerial bombing and artillery fire to sell weapons produced by profit-hungry American defense companies and affiliates. They must oppose the growing role of the military, through the NTF-Elcac, in managing the bureaucracy, directing the programs of various government agencies to serve their suppression campaign, and dictating state policy. Inculcated under the counter-guerrilla dogma of the USA, the fascist bigots in the FSK apply armed repression against all anti-imperialist forces in the Philippines, including unarmed and legitimate democratic forces.

In line with what the Central Committee determined in its statement last March 29, the Party must continue to raise the fighting capacity of the New People's Army and the masses and persevere on the path of protracted people's war. In this statement, the party revealed the duties that the YHO must fulfill in order to overcome the US-backed all-out counter-revolutionary war of the FSK and the tyrannical Duterte regime.

The relentless attacks and intensified fascist offensives of the FSK under the Marcos II regime led to an ever-expanding and deepening mass base as the Party declared victory, defeating Duterte and the FSK in their aim to crush the Party and the armed revolution before Duterte's term expired. It is also ready to counter by waging a comprehensive and intense guerrilla war.

All commands and units of the YHO must assess and inventory their strength and the enemy's situation. They must constantly seek to maintain the initiative by providing a large enough area of ​​operation for shifting, intensification and deployment, a high level of military discipline, rapid guerrilla movements to avoid enemy encirclement and retreat, expansion and consolidation, and a balance between horizontal and vertical forces. They should seek to gain more initiative points to launch timely and tactical attacks with one hundred percent certain victory.

The YHO must continue to strengthen and broaden the mass support base of the peasant masses, relying mainly on the poor peasants and agricultural workers, winning over the middle peasants, neutralizing the rich peasants, and taking advantage of the divisions between the enlightened and despotic landlords to isolate the most reactionary sections of the landed gentry. The Party and the YHO must continue to raise awareness, organize and mobilize the peasant masses to wage antifeudal and antifascist struggles, build organs of political power and mobilize the masses to wage guerrilla warfare against the enemy.

The armed revolutionary forces stand on high moral ground, particularly under the illegitimate regime of Marcos Jr. and the growing restrictions and continued attacks on the democratic rights of the people. The brutal fascist attacks on the peasant masses by Marcos' army and police forces encourage them to respond and to offer armed resistance.

To advance the struggle against the US-Marcos II regime and further the people's war, the Communist Party of the Philippines must comprehensively strengthen itself and increase its capacity to lead the YHO and a wide range of class and political forces. All Party committees at all levels must tirelessly fulfill all tasks in the ideological, political and organizational fields.

With full determination, it is certain that the Party and the YHO will accumulate even greater strength in the coming years to defend the Philippine people and advance their national democratic cause under the Marcos II regime.

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