Cultural Degeneration In Our Party With Its Historical And Social Background
The rulers have not only attempted to rule the oppressed for centuries by means of pressure and coercion, but have also created a form that will pay allegiance to them. It stands in a very decisive place to convince them of the immutability of the system they live in, to convince them that the pressure and persecution they face will not end, and to protect the future of their system. Under the siege and bombardment of this reactionary ideology's thought and value judgments that do not belong to them, the masses are alienated from their selves and essences. Although this fragmentation and alienation does not coincide with their own material interests in terms of the masses, they have been experienced / experienced in a much more dimensional and heavy manner when they adopt a fatalistic attitude in favor of the continuation of the current system.
This reality does not hide the fact that they did not hesitate to do what was necessary for the destruction of the exploitative system when the historical moment came. What they have accomplished when they become aware of their power is proven by historical experience and current examples. As long as they believe in the necessity of the struggle against the system. This belief; it causes them to break free from the reactionary value judgments that restrain them, to break their shackles. This rupture also carries the steps and deep traces of their reinventing themselves.
The capitalist-imperialist system attacks with an insatiable ambition for profit and with the aim of getting out of its structural crisis. This attack is not limited to the unbridled exploitation of human labor, but also destroys nature. In this attack, which is not limited to the intensity of labor exploitation, the system also lives in its most corrupt and parasitic form. In this sense, the oppressed masses face the dilemma of either "extinction in barbarism" or establishing socialism more than yesterday. While the ground for raising the liberation struggle of the oppressed under the leadership of the proletariat in the world and in our country matures itself day by day, this situation also develops various possibilities of struggle. However, it should be seen that the current system has set up the sets that will prevent this attempt by the oppressed more strongly than yesterday. It interferes with the brains, lives and daily practices of the masses with advanced possibilities they did not have before. He carries out his attempts and struggle to suppress and blunt their consciousness by using the highest technology in his hand. Internet, which is one of the indispensable blessings of our age, is an important factor both in dealing with society and weakening human relations.
In addition to accessing unlimited information, with a number of advantages, internet, TV, etc. tools are today the most important weapon in the hands of the ruling system to capture the brains of the masses. The masses are bombarded intensely by TV, which is used to propagate the policies of the period to the masses. It is enough to remember how the masses were poisoned by nationalism and chauvinism with the programs and newly shot TV series, especially before and after the cross-border operation as an example. In this sense, when we talk about the masses, their organization and mobilization, we have to talk about the degeneration experienced, evaluate and consider the role of effective weapons in the hands of the state. Talking about such a sweeping attack of the system, operating by jumping over this reality, and closing our eyes on this fact will mean nothing more than a futile effort. Such a blindness leads us to the conclusion that "this people cannot be a man" for those who move out of the struggle today, regardless of intentions. The attacks implemented by the current system at the current stage do not in essence include a different content than yesterday. His attitude towards the oppressed is today what he was yesterday. It has determined the only way to get rid of the economic and political crises it has been in since the 70s as to further oppress and exploit the masses, and it has always revealed its limitlessness at this point. Even though the methods of getting out of the crises took different forms, they did not experience any change in essence, moreover, it caused him to become even more angry. Imperialists do not just wage wars to protect their systems, but more importantly, they bombard the masses ideologically to prevent them from seeing the realities they live.
The decaying system grows wilder as it dies, produces more lies to hide this fact, and mobilizes more methods and means of manipulating the masses. The working classes of our country also take their share of these policies put into effect by imperialism, life, production, culture etc. it becomes a part of this process at a number of points. The decaying and moribund feature of imperialism is being experienced more strongly today than yesterday and this fact causes the attacks on the surrender of the masses to increase more. The parasitic human model of the decaying, parasitic system, the degenerating social relations, manifests itself very strongly in all areas of life today. The system does not hesitate to use its enormous possibilities in the most creative way for this. Today, we have to look for the causes of the degeneration in society, individuals, our party and party militants here, concretize them and analyze them on this fact. We cannot get rid of the militant profiles that should be, the communist party models that should be, and abstract generalizations and determinations that are independent of the facts, when we isolate what is happening from here, discuss and discuss it.
Chairman Mao; “At the present stage of the development of society, the responsibility of knowing and changing the world correctly has been placed on the shoulders of the proletariat and its party by history. This process, which is determined in accordance with scientific knowledge, that is the practice of changing the world ... has reached a great moment that has not been seen in the history of humanity, that is, when the darkness from the world will be completely destroyed and the world will be transformed into an unprecedented bright world. The struggle of the proletariat and the revolutionary people to change the world involves the fulfillment of the following tasks: change their subjective world as well as the objective world; change their learning abilities and change the relationships between the subjective world and the objective world; He succinctly revealed the tasks of our struggle to change the world. "They change their own subjective world as well as the objective world"; This emphasis gains considerable importance and value in today's world, where the degeneration and decay in the social structure under the roof of the capitalist-imperialist system has deepened, the value judgments that commodify all kinds of values so encompass the whole society, and all of these have penetrated their selves in those who set out to change the world.
Under conditions where the individualist-parasitic lifestyle is kept alive beyond presenting it as a model, repelling these attacks is only possible by understanding the scope of the attack. The energy of change in society is only revealed after such interventions. The periods when capitalism was overthrown showed us very clearly that the system does not disappear with the collapse of the existing power by force. Creating all over again - in line with the ideology of the proletariat - in life, culture and morality has to be conceived as a key continuation of this process. The struggle against ideological degeneration and its consequences, which constitutes one of the four main orientations of the 8th Conference of our Party, is important for understanding the dimensions of the problem. In order to understand this fact that we have to discuss and discuss more than yesterday, we have to look at what we experienced yesterday.
1980 AFC and Results
In the historical process in which Marxism-Leninism and modern revisionism entered into a sharp purification, the proletariat was experiencing a period when it lost its important positions and lost its dignity and authority among the masses. Imperialism and revisionism began to bombard the masses intensely by accelerating their attacks on the foundations of the class struggle in just such a period. However, these attacks against Marxism were met with the experience and practice of the BPKD in China under the leadership of Chairman Mao, and this experience made the proletariat better equipped against the attacks of the bourgeoisie of all colors. In addition to the political dimensions of the BPKD process, it was accumulating the political and practical experiences of how it continues in the practice of daily life - education, culture, morality, etc. - and how this ongoing struggle should be shaped and directed. The projection of our country's class struggle experience, which was not shaped independently and detached from the developments in the world, at that time was the '80 Military Fascist Junta. The reflection of the "restructuring" process of imperialism on our country was shaped as a result of the creation of the conditions for this process to come into being in our country.
It was absolutely necessary to create the conditions for the “strategic changes” to come to life both in our country and in individual countries, and for the certainty and securing of these policies. It was a necessity to make political arrangements that would ensure the implementation of neo-liberal policies and to adjust the balances accordingly. Imperialists and their henchmen know that they have to create a model of human and society suitable for their system in order to make the existing system work and to ensure its continuity. So Mao “In order to change a system, it is necessary to establish intellectual dominance in the public opinion; this principle applies to both revolutions and counter-revolutions ” he said. Whenever the dominant system puts the implementation of comprehensive attack policies on its agenda, it first prioritizes the ideological attack that will legitimize these attacks. This is because the way for his attacks to be approved and accepted by the masses is through convincing the masses for these attacks. The system had changed the arguments it used to hide the structural character of its crisis and made them believe that new economic policies were the only way to overcome the crisis, and produced new slogans of the new process. Discourses such as "class reconciliation" and "social democracy" were now replaced by the "welfare state" discourses of a period, and not content with this, they went further, claims that "classes and class struggles disappeared" were put forward. In order to break the gains and effects of socialism on the masses and to eliminate the feature of being a center of attraction among the masses, including the laborers of the imperialist-capitalist countries, the discourses used were changed and Marxism was put at the center of the attacks.
Post-Marxist, post-modernist movements launched by the imperialists and the attacks on the foundations of Marxism were applied unbridledly. The pointlessness of fighting for this utopia was imposed on the masses by propagating that socialism is now an empty utopia in the current chaos. Hopes for the future were darkened in this sense, and the day began to take on uncertain color tones. The human type of such an environment started to acquire a characteristic suitable for all these changes. A corrupt, parasitic and cornerstone type and model was created, alienated from his own values, losing hope for the future, looking at the world through the window of his own selfish interests. The military fascist junta, with its apparent rhetoric, had come with the aim of "preventing" anarchy "," the chaos created by anarchy ". However, behind these discourses, there were quite extensive and deep economic and political attacks that stipulated the coup. The junta, in its apparently crude form, was not only intended to suppress social opposition to implement the determined policies. More broadly than that was to eliminate the ground for this opposition as much as possible. The reason why revolutionaries and communists were placed at the center of attacks was that society was disorganized and exposed to attacks. In this sense, while evaluating the fascist junta, we must not only remember it with oppression and terror, but also see and understand what kind of society and human model it has shaped with the ideological attacks behind it. While the '80 AFC was remembered as a fierce attack against revolutionaries and communists, it also expressed the extensive attacks on society itself. With its apparent form, the deterioration and degeneration in the social fabric after September 12 increased even more; Arabesque culture has become a way of life, lumpenness etc. features have emerged as a result of these attacks. The reflection of this deterioration on revolutionary movements was in the same ruthlessness and scale. In addition to affecting the whole of the movement, it also took individual militants into the circle of the same decay and proved this with the examples. For example; The revolutionary culture of solidarity created by the Denizs, Mahirs and Ibrahim's was most damaged in this period. Barrels were not limited to disorienting their target, and caused degeneration and degeneration to be experienced in the most extreme dimensions. In terms of revolutionary movements, the price of the practices, which also manifested itself in the break in the consciousness of power, was paid heavily. The authority and dignity eroded by the masses caused the loss of the values created by the cost of life. These developments along with the intense terror of the state caused stagnation and obscurity of the claim in the class struggle. The process of surrender in prisons, the dissolution of the cadres of the revolutionary movement in torture facilities, and the extensive use of all of these by the system were written on the pages of history as factors that further deepen the decay of the masses.
The roller running over the society was so heavy that an environment that could verify the waist again should never be allowed. Experienced a period of revolution in the consciousness of the masses should be buried as painful examples, Turkey found the right to life and a more revolutionary movement People should not influence. Every creature living in these lands had to be taken over, turned into cowardly, slave-spirited people, alienated from his ego, and grateful for what he found. Here the '80 coup was made with a background that encompassed such extensive and dimensional attacks. The system also succeeded in these goals. Living for society is now shaped around protecting the self and winning with an insatiable ambition. A configuration was created in which any means of earning more is permissible. Managing and manipulating the reality of such a society has become more comfortable and easy. It was not as easy as it was thought for the revolutionary movements, which experienced an important defeat, to straighten themselves. The dominant system has continued its attacks since then, without interrupting its attacks, and further developing its existing facilities. The revolutionary movement, on the other hand, could not show the sufficient equipment and capacity to dominate the class struggle and to produce tactical policies to counter these attacks. Although the occasional upsets created an impact, they could not become permanent and walk forward.
The struggle of the working class and the oppressed entered a long period of silence with the fascist junta. It took a long time to throw away the dead soil on it. This process was also a period in which the revolutionary movements experienced the impact of the coup significantly. After the severe torture and interrogation conditions, the will of those who faced the same situation in prisons was significantly broken. A new era and life was beginning for those who came out of that condition and environment. It was already time to relax, to do something for themselves. The reason why the overwhelming majority of those who went out stood at the gates of Europe, and those who remained in the country were worried about turning a corner, was that they could not resist these raging attacks of the state and could not escape from the process of defeat and surrender. The state had proved its indestructibility and power during this period and had this majority grasp. Those who did not surrender to defeat, those who believed in the power of the masses and the decisive victory of the class struggle continued on their way in such an environment. While the individuals of the society tried all kinds of degeneracy to turn a corner, the militants and revolutionaries of a period saw no harm in achieving these goals by usurping the values created at the cost of their lives ...
From 1988 to 1992, and especially in the mid-90s, there was a period of stirring and acceleration in the spontaneous coming movement of the masses. However, these rises were not capable of withstanding the extensive attacks developed by the counter-revolution front. Besides the fragmented movement of the working class, Gazi, Ümraniye, etc. Although their resistance gained a characteristic meeting with revolutionaries, it could not have a decisive effect in the process. Even though this mobilization created by the economic crisis of '94 escalated with the '96 May 1 action, the state did not allow this attempt and met the process with the massacre, preventing the movement from going further. Although the '96 prisons resistance enabled meeting with the opposition of the people outside, it lacked the quality and organization to see and endure the strategic attack of the rulers like the F-type. Following this period, another important and critical issue in our country was the orientation of the Kurdish national movement. The capture of the leadership of the national movement, which was significantly affected by the liquidation attack of imperialism, and the message it gave to the state and the Kurdish nation in this process, must be remembered with the important rupture and insecurity it created among the masses. Following the capture of A. Öcalan, the unilateral ceasefires announced by the movement resulted in significant military losses. The struggle of the Kurdish movement stood at a decisive point in the sympathy and hope of the masses towards armed struggle and guerrilla warfare. The silencing of the weapons caused the masses to experience a result that the revolution would not be possible in this way, and the distrust towards the revolutionary struggle deepened.
This process combined with the attacks of imperialism unfortunately caused the despair not only of the masses, but also of the ranks of the revolutionary movement, and the loss of future expectations. A series of revolutionary structural processes experienced organizing on legal platforms, handling the struggle centered on prisons, and drowning in organizational problems. The fading of the concept of the enemy brought along a weakening of the power consciousness.
This period continued with the 2001 crisis, prisons massacre and resistance. The economic and political process that the state entered into during this period was shaped as the conditions that caused the crisis and attacks. The period referred to as "restructuring" included strategic attacks against those who were oppressed within it. Wherever there is a "restructuring tendency", there is a problem that has become impossible to solve within the existing institutions and mechanisms. This problem is the general crisis of capitalism. It is the level of accumulation, internationalization, concentration and centralization reached by capital that becomes beyond the shell of the relations of production and domination in which it has moved over a period of time. Capital seeks to continuously expand, diversify, deepen, intensify, centralize and accelerate the exploitation of surplus value at international and every level.
It also endeavors to restructure the political, legal, ideo-cultural (inter-class, inter-class, international) relations of sovereignty in a period that have become obstacles. This process, known as “neoliberalism”, involves the restructuring of not only economy but also politics as a whole; it has revealed the necessity of adapting the state to this process with a series of changes in its institutional structure and functioning, and restructuring it in a way that will be more effective and open the way in this process. The organization of the blocked and slowing capital accumulation on a new basis and the implementation of neoliberal economic policies necessitate the forcible dissolution of the class-social, political and international balances formed in the previous period from the capital front and forcibly organizing them on a new basis. F-type prisons took shape as part of this wave of attacks. However, unlike the past, the attack aimed at the change of the system. The state knew no boundaries in achieving this goal. During this period, he was not limited to the murder of 28 revolutionary prisoners and gave very strong messages to the society. The inability of the revolutionary and communist movement to make tactical preparations to meet this process and the combination of the struggle with the cells and the propaganda that entering the cells is death had effects contrary to what is thought. The price of being a revolutionary, rebelling against this system and not submitting to injustice was now heavier than it was yesterday. Because there were cell-type prisons now. Our party has also been insufficient to evaluate and reveal this process politically. From time to time, the above-mentioned mistakes and mistakes have been made in both the prisons-centered understanding of the struggle and the comprehension and propaganda of the process to the masses. The resistance developed in prisons under conditions where the ruling classes made the propaganda that the class struggle was over was a response to all these attacks and the revolutionary and communist prisoners did not stain the flag of resistance.
This resistance has created knowledge in every field of struggle that should be guided today and in the future. However, this side of the resistance neither prevented the prisoners from being placed in F types nor prevented the isolation to be lifted. The defeat of "the dissolution of the revolutionary organization and the loss of the gains gained by the resistance" has been experienced with these dimensions. The Death Fast, which spread over a long period of time, lost its power of influence due to the mistakes made, and the deaths began to be used by the masses after a while. The revolutionary will experienced serious breaks in this period, along with important gains and savings.
The 2001 crisis not only caused this oppression and savagery, but also caused serious changes in the social fabric. Small producers combined with more impoverishment, the face of cities that started to change with the immigration wave, embraced more corrupt relations, and grew by including those with unemployment diplomas. The conditions for the cultivation of the masses with difficulty and hunger were more created by the system than yesterday. The bricks of the walls of fear on the society that had been locked up in it, thickened by the attacks of the system, were complemented by this fear, hunger and forced training. Our party reality and militant profile “Our party has identified the 8th Conference in its assessment and intervention in this context as one of the main trends of the process we are going through. Periodically, it is the urgent and primary needs of communist parties that will shed light on the tendencies created to determine the main direction of tactical party politics. It is obvious that the problem is an urgent and a priority issue. The main reason for this is the dysfunction caused by organizational deformation and cultural erosion by encroaching on the body of the party. Our party has regressed to a point where it cannot play its function in the class struggle; its backbone has sagged, its communist identity has suffered, its authority has been shaken, its prestige and reputation have been destroyed. (Communist 60, p. 91)
As will be remembered, one of the four main points expressing the orientation of our party to the 8th Conference was determined as interventions to eliminate the effects of organizational deformation and cultural erosion within the party and its consequences. We must explain and discuss the current decline in our Party, the deterioration within itself, with the periods and processes that we have summarized above roughly and each of which needs to be considered comprehensively in itself.
It is not true to say that our party is not affected by such processes, in which the imperialist system has dimensioned its attacks and destroyed the consciousness and minds of the masses. The '80 coup significantly affected and changed our party, the militants of our party, and re-molded it at a point where it could adapt to the current change in society. With the heavy pressure conditions, our cadres and militants once again came to terms with their own selves. While some managed to get out of this showdown successfully, some lost to their defeats. As a result, we will make these facts and determinations for our party, just as we cannot evaluate the class struggle of our country independently and independently from the developments in the world, just as we say that the struggle in our country is a projection of the struggles in the world. We will not consider the situation our party is passing through today, regardless of the characteristics of the class struggle in the world and in the country. Today, we will look for the reasons for our party's "injury to its communist identity" and its "backlash" here. “Writing history is more difficult than making history,” says Lenin. It is a fact that our Party needs such a reckoning in order to understand its present. Such agendas, which we have discussed, will be understood more clearly and clearly with the comprehensive examination and presentation of history. The loss of influence and authority of socialism in the masses, the shaking of its prestige with the attacks of modern revisionism, also brought the distrust of the revolutionary and communist movement in the eyes of the masses. The impact of the revolutionary breakthrough of '71 on the masses began to break with the attacks and heavy defeats. Our party, which preserved its influence and prestige in the period when the movement protected and developed its intervention in the class struggle, that is, it met with the masses, started to lose its influence as an inevitable result from the moment it started to move away from this reality.
As the revolutionaries of the system that started to change, degenerate, degenerate, decay and parasitize, alienated from all kinds of values, our face to organize the reality of such a society started to change and influence our body. In short, the fabric of society that started to change and deteriorate manifested itself in us as well as in the revolutionary movement. “… The dead weight of tradition, of old ideas,” says Marx. In other words, change and change, re-molding is as easy and straight as it seems, it does not / does not progress in a forward developing line. The human model, which is necessary for the system itself, joins the ranks of the revolution with all its features. The momentum of the class struggle that will change this process determines the conditions and process of change. While this period is shortened and experienced more sharply in the struggle of the masses, under conditions where the struggle is relatively stable, the process of change becomes difficult and the possibilities for people to live with the backward features gained from the system increase more.
In this sense, the class struggle is not limited to revealing the energy of change of the masses, but also creates the grounds and conditions for the emergence of the influence power of its vanguard at this point. Our party has had its share of the extensive ideological attacks developed by the imperialist system, but it has come to this day without compromising its principles and insistence on war. This fact could not, in a whole sense, create a feature that would prevent the realization of the facts we have to determine today. Even though the fact that he does not compromise his insistence on armed struggle in all circumstances creates respect among the masses, this reputation has begun to suffer as long as he cannot fulfill the requirements of this insistence.
“… 6. The conference leadership failed to fully analyze the process, although the party was in essence correctly determined. Organizational schematism left its mark on the 1st meeting of the PMK, whose theoretical equipment against the class struggle and revolution, together with its alienation from the party reality, was also insufficient. The partial intervention at its second meeting, on the other hand, melted away due to the lack of equipment against the class struggle and the subjectivism that prevented it from improving… The attitudes and attitudes of the leadership against the organization, which was severely damaged, were very important in the development of the leadership process. Because, as it was correctly determined, there was a serious problem of trust within the party, an important inadequacy in the leadership, and a deep disconnect between the party and the leadership with the masses. It was only possible for the leadership to solve the problems within the party and to overcome the deficiencies related to itself by establishing a correct relationship with the party. Under conditions of insecurity, disconnected relations with the masses and deep ideological-political inadequacy, the leadership generally continued its subjectivism and sectarian approach.
The 'politicization' perspective created a backward level in the content of 'political and non-political' by creating an unsuitable discussion ground for our Party, and as a product of this level, a progressive debate in the Party was inevitably prevented. This perspective has made the approach of the upper echelons of the party to the lower levels of the Party a repulsive character and in some places, "the apolitical mass cannot be organized!" It also caused misunderstandings such as. This determination was gradually devalued, as the party's responsibility to raise its "political level" and be efficient in the struggle for power was not well understood. However, the political level of the Party as a whole was backward, and this backwardness could be overcome by directing a struggle / education within the Party towards concrete problems of the class struggle. This has not been achieved. As a result of this failure, the political level of the Party could not be advanced, and when it could not solve its problems, it declined ... Since the Party central leadership always postponed the practice of class struggle until after the resolution of certain problems, uncertainty, swings, and non-intervention grew within the party. The leadership has left the party powerless and without authority due to the lack of clarity and intervention regarding the solution of internal party problems. The leadership was not able to create the process of resolving these issues and bringing solutions to the practical process, and consequently, despite the PMK, a party activity and propaganda were encountered ... It is necessary to express this specificity of the process and draw lessons from it, by determining that it is the deficiency of the leadership.
A leadership that fails to rule the party is doomed to be an ordinary part of it. In order to rule the party, it is necessary to internalize the leadership role, to analyze it, to dominate the party by fulfilling the leadership function, and to learn from the party. Generally, the liquidationism experienced during this process of our Party was significantly influential. Liquidationism in the revolutionary ranks and in our party emerged as the petty-bourgeois intellectual indecision, which fell into despair and destruction under the pressure of the multi-faceted attacks of imperialism and the attacks of the Turkish ruling classes. The elements that came to our party from petty bourgeois strata and could not be transformed sufficiently by the party were thrown towards party and organization liquidationism with ideological and political liquidationism. The growing distrust of revolutionary ideas under the influence of liquidationism also manifested itself in the failure to grasp the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist thesis that the revolution will be the work of the masses, and the mode of study and work formulated as a concrete analysis of concrete conditions. (Communist 43, page 9)
This long quotation we made is important in terms of understanding the near process of our party and seeing the features of the process it is going through. The determinations made by the 7th conference after the 6th conference show also how the comprehensive problems our party is experiencing today were experienced yesterday. Our "marching to the summit" power, although not expressing our reality, brought along a natural expectation in our militant structure and in our audience. Our structure, trapped in its own narrow problems, played a role in accelerating our departure from the class struggle and our break with the masses. The disconnection and confrontation between the leadership and the party brought along alienation. The militant model of the process started to be discussed with the same foreignness and understanding. The "new human" model was introduced as the human type of "rebuilding". Missions, which are abstract and detached from the class struggle, the party, and the stance of the militant against these, have begun to be imposed. Regardless of the individual's stance against the class struggle, we have come to terms with the "ideology that guides our behavior in the details of life" itself. As the leadership's power to penetrate the party weakened, the principle of being shaped according to the class struggle and the party was replaced by the taking leaderships. When the militants who were put on the operating table began to be slaughtered according to what they should have been, not much was left. This style, along with creating the feeling and thoughts of nothingness, also brought along unusual grades to the individual.
Under conditions where the flow of the class struggle outside of us and the positioning of the party in it did not enter our agenda, and the world of militant models created independently of all these facts began to shrink, the ground for self-questioning began to be confined to the narrow practices of daily life. These approaches, which are the manifestation of the system's philosophy of individualization and self, severely damaged the party. These periods of the "holiday" of the class struggle also prevented our party from the role it should play at critical points.
The process that started with the 6th PMK 4th Meeting and developed with the 7th Party Conference targeted interventions at the point of shaping and molding the party in line with the needs of the class struggle. However, this period did not represent a feature in which foreignness could be instilled in the party body, just like the previous period. The period was a process in which the anti-imperialist actions of the masses became widespread with the intervention of US imperialism in Iraq and the conference promotion activities caught a certain meeting with this process of the masses. Although this process brought about a certain revival in the militants and the masses, it did not gain a character that determined this process. As a matter of fact, after a while, the occupation of Iraq became a familiar situation. During this period, our party also brought up the non-postponable tasks in terms of taking the problems accumulated for many years on the agenda and discussing them. During this period, we experienced the consequences of the changing structure of the society, the comprehensive evaluation of attacks such as the state's aggression policies and the determination of appropriate tactical policies, how the guerrilla war would proceed under the current conditions, that is, the problems of the war could not be addressed in full. Our guerrilla struggle, which does not turn towards the enemy, has brought along insecurity, discussion of the party, and further obscurity of the party in the class struggle. This obscurity brought with it the weakening of its authority, the weakening of its authority, and the practice of doing "business" with corrupt elements as it lost power. The deterioration that started where the guns were silent surrounded the whole body. Our party, whose warrior feature was being discussed by the masses, caused the masses to lose more power every day when the crushing of the masses under system attacks completed this process.
A series of developments such as the massacre of prisons, extensive attacks on the Kurdish nation, attacks on revolutionaries, attacks on the working class have been on the agenda throughout this period. The silence of the barrels, which did not turn to the system in terms of accountability in the face of all these massacres and massacres, caused the emergence of the problems within our party, the consequences of which we face today. The "militant" features shaped by the party, whose consciousness of power has weakened, was not separated from this. A militant reality, unrelated to party politics and foreign to the problems of war, brought along a series of problems. The "militant" reality, which sees war outside of itself, could not objectively develop the practice of shaping itself in every field according to the needs of war. In these periods when the attacks of the system were scaled up, the most extreme examples of degeneration and decay started to be experienced. Watching the death of the person next to him and turning this situation into a photo frame, system personalities began to appear. The disorganized society began to integrate more into the policies of the system, and was more influenced by the intensive ideological campaigns. The human characteristics of the system, which is decaying more and more every day, also manifested themselves in the revolutionary movement. The examples of people watching the deaths outside, the "militants" who watch the cost of the party values being squashed inside, those who do everything for themselves outside, say "I created", "my value" and see every way permissible; class outside, alienated from its identity and essence, "militants" who do not feel the weight of the identity it carries and do not know it; the society that fills its life with the tabloid world outside, the “militants” who fill their lives with who and where, what they do; the increase of lumpen lifestyle outside, part-time "revolutionism" and "militants" who make life without discipline a habit; It completed the alienated social relations outside and “comradeship” relationships that became alienated at home. There is no need to further extend these reproducible examples. At this point, the evaluation made about the defeatists that our party had to deal with lastly, puts many examples in front of us and portrays the reflections of the process on our party.
“The essence of man is not an abstraction that exists in individual individuals. Indeed, the essence of man is the sum of social relations ”says Marx; that is, the change of the "subjective worlds" of people is intertwined with the change of the "objective world". We will undoubtedly discuss the reflections of the human model created by the system on our movement, on the examples of degeneration and degeneration in our individual militants. However, we will not do this apart from the reality of the class struggle. We will start knowing that we cannot prevent this erosion unless we start to play our role in the class struggle. We will not perceive this problem as simple as beating a few gang members, punishing drinkers in the middle of the street, as some political movements do. We will define this change in the practice of unleashing and dominating the masses. We will settle accounts in the class struggle. We will raise and shape the warrior militants in the class struggle, in the fight of the masses. It is a revolutionary way of life, a constant conflict between the old and the defeated, the struggle to create the new in all of its being. This clarification of the revolutionary identity and personality is only achieved when the struggle against the past ends in victory. Clarification in revolutionary identity is accomplished when we remove the struggle from being "the pursuit of leisure". Revolutionism is to determine the difference in every sphere of life, at every moment, without squeezing the boundaries into certain practices of class struggle. Revolutionism means protecting its identity under conditions where the sovereigns attack by all means and means. We will not squeeze revolutionism into certain sections, we will not be revolutionaries of this or that moment… Since identity is not internalized, it will inevitably be experienced anyway to be torn apart, to disappear anyway. And our fears, our worries. Shattering our walls of fear in today's conditions where the system has squeezed the oppressed so much in the circle of fear, where every uprising has the answer to massacre, murder, and prisons ... Fear is the product of a distorted ideological formation, a reflection of unclear consciousness. To the extent that we cannot overcome this feeling, we have to walk with our self, which is at the center of the struggle, with the narrow worlds created by this self. Trust in the masses is not a belief in the certainty of the progress of history, we feel and live life and struggle through the narrowing window of our own individual world ...
We should see the class struggle not as a process that progresses in a uniform manner, but as a complex, piled-up contradiction and the constant conflict of these contradictions. To see the class struggle not as the physical confrontation of revolution and counter-revolution, but as a collection of conflicts that go on in all spheres of life ... To protect our values, identity and self under all kinds of attacks and to be ready to sacrifice at any time for this sum of values that we internalize.
“In 1917 Lenin was hiding under another name in Helsinki. One day he saw that a car passing through the street would almost run over a girl. Ilyich jumped off the pavement and grabbed the boy from under the wheels. A crowd gathered around. The police attempted to take the rescuer with the witnesses to the police station. It is near-miss. One of his friends reproached him, “What is the point of taking such risks? If the girl died, the revolution would not be harmed, whereas the death of a leader would harm the case. "
“So do you think the revolution won't hurt if a party leader loses self-esteem? cried Lenin… " (Nazım's Pain)
"Honesty comes first," says Engels. Because no matter how harsh the facts are, only those who demonstrate this honesty can change today and win tomorrow. It makes sense when it is done to criticize, transform and change. Today we will know that we do nothing but complain to the party, the war and even the party militants when we do not make a series of determinations and make an effort to change them. One of the only conditions for the party to fulfill its duties in the class struggle will be possible if each part of the body fulfills its duties and responsibilities. When we bring the criticism of "the party is not fighting" and bring water from forty streams while ourselves turn towards the enemy, we will know that our righteous criticism has no judgment. With its 36 years of war experience and knowledge, the conditions and possibilities of moving our party from where it is to where it should be are more available than yesterday. The imperialist system is in a new crisis where it will be seriously eroded. The fermentation of anger accumulated by these crises, which the oppressed pay the price as more poverty and hunger, is experiencing an increasingly growing process of development. The working class and laborers of our country take to the streets and shout out their anger, despite the collaborative leadership imposed on them. Beyond bringing the Iraqi peoples to their knees to imperialism, Afghanistan once again proved how to fight and win with this system. He showed how their indestructible, unshakable system was shattered by the resistance of the masses.
While communist leader İbrahim Kaypakkaya was laying the foundations, he departed from his predecessors from fundamental points and declared our party by drawing very thick lines its break with the system. This basis has shaped our sides that will always make us different. Now is the time to perpetuate this difference, to spend a lot of effort on this, to mold ourselves again and again in the sharpness of the class struggle.
And instead of result;
“In the case of our party, which is dragged into such a period of regression, of course the party leaderships have a significant share. The party leaders who cannot take steps in line with our revolutionary strategy, cannot produce tactical policies, cannot shape the organization in this direction and cannot lead to war / struggle are responsible for the blood loss of the organization. This reality has acquired a material basis in a period of time that cannot be limited by the leaderships of this or that period. The problems of our party are deep and complex as well as resolvable and overcome. The main reason for this is that MLM has an ideological-theoretical line and the accumulation of value created by the practice developed in this direction throughout our history. In order to make this most important weapon of the struggle for revolution and communism functional, it is necessary to first make correct diagnosis and analysis. It should not be forgotten that our party lost many years with determinism that we never needed. Complaint is a disease that is too bad to be allowed even to our relatives. The sole purpose of an analysis free from these infectious diseases is to bring the course of action / orientation that will revive our party with life. This is what the 8th Party Conference is trying to do. The main points of orientation, which unanimously shaped the conference will, were determined in this direction. According to this orientation, our party will not avoid making any sacrifices in the sea of class struggle, and will follow an extremely determined and uncompromising line in the fight against the diseases that affect its body. The reason for this is to concentrate on the preparation process in order to stand on its feet on the battlefields and simultaneously renew and purify in the practice of the class struggle. Renewal and purification is to engage in a feverish work with the philosophy of "throwing the old and wearing the new" in the words of Comrade İbrahim. This purification and laundering activity in the eyes of the masses will bring about healing organizational wounds, repairing damaged sides, and cutting out gangrenous ones.
The steps to be taken for the party to undergo a structural revolution in the direction of its principles are doomed to remain fantasy to the extent that they are abstracted from the class struggle. We don't have the situation to allow anyone to transform their dreams into reality. The descriptions of "ruthless" and "relentless" made for the class struggle are not ornamental. Iron should be forged in temper, and water should be given to steel in war fire. Our party will only be able to gain its lost values, prestige and prestige in the bosom of the fight. It is such that, not "mentors", but people's warriors; Working militants are needed, not "talkative". This is how it is, not for the weary, frustrated, hopeless; There is a need for selfless, determined, determined action people who breathe with the party. It is like that, not for defeatists, gangsters, slander provocateurs; sincere, honest, moral party volunteers are needed. It is so that, not liberalism, opportunism, reformism; There is a need for Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. And finally, for all this, first of all, the communist party is needed. Because what the class struggle can never endure is a waste of time. There is not yesterday but today, moreover, there is tomorrow ... "
Communist, Issue: 60, November 2007